Tag Archives: Childhood

Living in the Early Modern Past: the 17th Century Home

Introduction

A recent open day enabled exploration of an early 17th century private home, built in South Derbyshire during the 1620s to house a wealthy yeoman and his family.[i] This provided a useful opportunity to revise knowledge of early modern domestic contexts,[ii] which when considered alongside other bodies of evidence – such as burials and mortuary memorials of this period – so as to potentially allow for a more rounded consideration of life in the early modern past.[iii]

Posts specifically on this building will be published soon, but before doing so, it seemed appropriate to produce a post that might provide a basic background on the Early Modern home. As a counterpoint to the forthcoming post on the yeoman house, this post will concentrate upon mid – late 17th century cottages occupied by less wealthy families of the nascent ‘middling sort’:[iv] artisans, trades-people, and small holders, with means beyond those of the poor husbandmen, but not as substantial as those of the notable yeoman landowner.[v] This expanding group benefited from financially, and enhanced their own comfort (and increasingly social position), from recent and continuing growth in trade and commerce, and concomitant consumerism, providing a broader range of household material culture, with more opportunities to emulate wealthier and higher status homes. Material culture from high status households will be illustrated below in briefly noting the changes in domestic space and in the functions of rooms, and occasional comparisons made with the housing of poorer families.[vi]

The early modern house: new ways of everyday life[vii]

The geography of what is commonly seen today as the ‘traditional’ family home (comprising entrance hall, two or three ground floor rooms, and two or three bedrooms above), is in essence a product of the early modern period. This time was one of widespread change that bought opportunities to some (through manufacturing and trade – marking the advance of consumerism, and social and political change), but also declining fortunes to many (through the many epidemics, famine and social dislocation – to some extent provoked by civil war).[viii]

The medieval hall influenced the development of the Tudor and Stuart yeoman hall house; internal space had become increasingly divided (both horizontally and vertically) so as to provide separate rooms beside the communal hall (and corridors to allow movement around and through the house), for storing, preparing, and eating food and drink, and domestic chores. The ceiling of the hall, previously open to the roof, had been lowered by the addition of a first storey floor, providing rooms above for sleeping, and for more private socialising.

Late medieval hall, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire, showing later fireplace and chimney

Late medieval hall, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire, showing later fireplace and chimney (©Grand Tours)[ix]

By the end of 16th century, chimneys had been fitted in place of the central hearth of the hall, often within (and sometimes blocking) a cross passage between doorways that opened onto the front and rear of the property dividing the building; stairs to the first storey were typically fitted beside the chimney.

In turn, these houses influenced those of less well-off yeoman (which for convenience will below be referred to as ‘yeoman cottages’), which were inevitably smaller with access to fewer funds (with less ‘curtilage’)[x] than the occupants of the post-medieval hall.

Outside the modest 17th century yeoman’s dwelling

117 West Street, Alford, Lincs

Mid-late 17th century cottage (with 18th century modifications), 117 West Street, Alford, Lincolnshire (from Google Maps)[xi]

Yeoman’s cottages in this era were typically half-timber framed, the timber walls resting upon low stone walls, the spaces between the timbers in-filled with wattle panels or lathes, covered with daub (clay and / or dung, containing binding material such as horse-hair). However, since the late 16th century, bricks were increasingly used in place of wattle and daub, and by the end of the 17th century in many areas, houses were more commonly brick built. Thatched roofs were typical, although ceramic tiles, and later slates, soon replaced this highly flammable material in built-up areas.

Diane Earl NEN Casement window

Above: 17th century style casement window with leaded lights in iron frame (Photo NEN); below: excavated remains of 17th century iron casement window frame, Jamestown, Virginia, US[xii]

Jamestown window

Dwellings were frequently double-fronted (and typically one room deep, commonly built of two, three or four ‘bays’), with a centrally placed front door between one or two ground floor timber casement windows, and dormer windows above. Over the century, small leaded lights, sometimes fitted within iron frames, were increasingly fitted, which in turn were often replaced with sash-windows during and after the 18th century. This layout immediately demonstrated to neighbours and passers-by the relative affluence of the householders, whose home had not the single ground floor room that was typically occupied by labourer’s families (examples of which can be seen here), but two rooms, facilitating the cultivation of social relationships with a degree of privacy. However, in built-up urban areas, cottages were often one room wide, and two – four deep, extending into land at the rear of the road.

The façade was generally simple, with minimal decoration, although where houses were constructed of bricks, this material was sometimes used to provide some form of ornamentation, e.g. bricks arranged in patterns such as chevrons, and herringbone. Timber framing could also to some extent be used decoratively, with the plaster infill painted using lime-wash tinted with natural pigments, such as ochre or iron oxide (for information on historic lime-wash, see here). The chimney was commonly situated approximately in the centre of the building, although another layout was the placement of a chimney at each end of the house.

Such houses were often built in pairs or in short rows, and often had only a small yard or area of ground (which was frequently shared with neighbours) abutting the house at the front or rear.[xiii] Sanitation remained basic: where not beside a watercourse that might flush waste down-stream or -river, sewage was commonly thrown onto the street, or onto the household midden (a pit or surface dump of domestic waste), which was sometimes deposited as garden or agricultural fertiliser.

Inside the small 17th century home: domestic environment and material culture

Floor plan

Layout (not to scale) of a typical mid-late 17th century yeoman cottage (e.g. comparable to the example in Lincolnshire, pictured above) (©Grassroots Heritage)[xiv]

The 17th century yeoman’s cottage was accessed through a timber plank front door, either directly from the street, or from a small front garden. There was sometimes a small lobby between the door and the wall formed by the central chimneystack, with doors to left and right leading to the rooms that came to be known as the kitchen and parlour.[xv] However, corridors were rare (thus limiting privacy). In houses without a lobby, the front door opened directly into the kitchen, although the parlour was still commonly separated from this room by a door.

THE KITCHEN[xvi]

Diane Earl  NEN hall-kitchen table

Fireplace and table in reproduction 17th century kitchen-living room (Photo NEN)[xvii]

For the multitude of neighbours who continued to inhabit single room dwellings, the kitchen as a separate room would remain a novel and unattainable reality for many generations. The labourer’s dwelling differed from the yeoman cottage in commonly having only a single, multi-purpose, ground floor room, whereas that of yeoman might have a kitchen in addition to a living room. Though comparable in having low ceilings, the thick oak beams supporting the floor above were absent from smaller houses (which at best had a simple loft above the living space for sleeping and storage, reached by a ladder). The provision of a kitchen, in which food was cooked and eaten, and many household chores were carried out, allowed the division of domestic time and space according to position within the family and in wider community. For the household servants, it remained a living and working (and for some, perhaps also sleeping) room. Though the family may have also often used this room for various purposes (including access to the rear yard and stairs to the bedrooms above), they now had an additional, more private, space, to which they might retire, in the parlour (see below).

Fixtures and fittings

C17 fire-dog,  Jamestown, US

17th century firedog, from excavations of early settlement phases at Jamestown, Virginia, US[xviii]

The fireplace was typically located within the centre wall of this room, although was sometimes built along the outer wall of the building. A stone or oak lintel generally supported this wide and deep feature, with a brick or stone hearth. It often contained wrought iron firedogs (bars to hold logs), commonly with hooks to hold spits (the combination known as ‘andirons’), possibly ‘cup dogs’ (upright stands to hold vessels in order to war liquids). Brand tongues (large, long-handled wrought iron pincers) hung within the fireplace, being used to place and move wood upon the fire.

Late medieval bread ovens, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

Late medieval bread ovens, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

Where space (and wealth) allowed, the kitchen fireplace incorporated a brick-built bread oven (sometimes with a stone base), recognisable as a deep, arched, opening into the side of the inglenook. The oven was brought up to temperature by burning brushwood, the ashes from which were raked out (using a long-handled wrought iron or wood spade-like instrument known as a ‘peel’), before placing dough, and sometimes small cakes and biscuits, within the recess to bake. The oven was sealed by a removable wooden door, and later by a hinged cast iron door.

Peels, Haddon

Peels (above) and bread oven doors (below), Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

Bread oven doors, Haddon

Other fitted equipment was commonly used in cooking, such as a wrought iron ‘trammel hook’ (or ‘chimney crane’: an adjustable apparatus used to suspend pots) may have been used for cooking over the open fire.

C17 trammel jamestown

Early wrought iron trammel hook, found during excavations at the colonial settlement at Jamestown, Virginia, US;[xix] and in use within a reconstructed fireplace (centre of image), with cast iron fireback, and ceramic curfew, bottom right (Photo NEN)[xx]

C17 fireplace Diane Earl NEN

Horizontal wrought iron spits were placed across the andirons, and used to turn large joints of meat to ensure even cooking over the fire, whilst smaller pieces of meat were cooked within an iron gridiron or basket spit (cages suspended horizontally over the fire); drip pans were placed beneath spits. Various devises (spit jacks), using ropes, chains, and pulleys, regularly turned the spits, either powered by hand, by the hot air from the fire, or, in some larger houses, small dogs within treadmills![xxi]

Turnspit_Dog_Working

Engraving showing the dog-powered turnspit c. 1800 (Image Wikipedia)[xxii]

Although the kitchens of the royal, aristocratic, and otherwise wealthy had long benefited from the most advanced technologies of the day, there was a delay – in many cases, of several centuries – before small houses had access to even basic amenities. Consequently, most early post-medieval kitchens significantly differed to those of today in that they were rarely built with sinks before the development of the ‘standardised’ terrace house in the mid-late 19th century (which incorporated a scullery extension off the ground floor back room).[xxiii] Water would instead be brought inside from the outdoor source (at this stage usually a well) within earthenware or wooden bowls, and laundry would usually be done outside in the yard, using wooden troughs. However, a shallow stone sink was often fitted in the buttery (see below), or a scullery frequently built as a lean-to extension, or where space allowed, a wash-house built in the back yard, in later years.

Furnishings

This room would have been sparsely furnished in comparison to modern kitchens, containing simple stools or benches, possibly an oak fireside chair, and a table, commonly of ash, to withstand regular scrubbing (with a concoction of salt, rosemary, and vinegar – for abrasion, antiseptic treatment, and to degrease, respectively). The floor of bricks or stone flags, which provided a surface that was less expensive and could be cleaned with water without damage to the material. The windows may have been shuttered at night, although these features seem less common during the 17th century with the wider adoption of glazed windows.

C17 recon farmhouse fireside chair Diane Earl NEN

17th century fireside chair (Photo NEN)[xxiv]

Objects and Ornaments

Bell-metal mortar, Haddon

Bell-metal mortar, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

Although occupants spent much time in this room, ornaments generally had little place in the 17th century kitchen; however, this room was often filled with numerous objects associated with food preparation, cooking, eating, and drinking, which could to some degree be decorative. The range of artefacts kept and used within the kitchen inevitably depended upon income, need, location, and availability, and changed over time, though often with a long delay between the development of innovations, and their acquisition and use beyond the elite household. Some items were seen as essential by most, in all periods (that is, up until the late 20th century), and where unaffordable to the poorer household, improvisation or community cooperation and exchange became necessary.

17th century cast iron cauldron from Jamestown, Virginia, US[xxv]

Round-bottomed copper alloy (‘bell-metal’ – lead and zinc rich bronze) and brass pans, cauldrons, and skillets (that could be placed directly onto the open fire – requiring the use of long-handled wooden spoons to prevent injury to the cook), had been used for centuries. These continued to be used in many households into (and in some cases beyond) the 19th century; cast iron, though still at this time of poor quality, was also used for these vessels during the 17th century, improving in quality as casting technology developed during the 18th and 19th centuries. But with the provision of the chimney within lower status houses during and after the late 16th century, a wider range of kitchen equipment developed, particularly vessels that could be suspended from the fireplace chimney interior, over the fire. By the 17th century, these included brass, and later better quality cast iron, hanging griddle pans, frying pans, and kettles (which at this time generally consisted of large open pans).

17th century bell-metal cauldron, wrought iron firedog andiron spit jack DE NEN

17th century bell-metal cauldron, wrought iron firedog, andiron, and mechanical spit jack (above); and brass roasting pan, skillet, and wrought iron pot hanger and toasting fork (below) (Photos NEN)[xxvi]

Brass roasting pan skillet toasting fork Diane Earl NEN

Although the kitchen fire was often kept alight for long periods of time (not least due to the difficulty of relighting), a tinderbox was usually kept close by. Kitchenware was often stored on nails in, on and around the fireplace, and on an oak mantel, over which oak spit racks were sometimes kept. Wooden wall racks and shelves were also often used to store equipment. Where there was no pantry, consumables were often stored within a ‘food-safe’: a perforated cupboards (so that air might flow), mounted on the wall (away from vermin).

Table artefacts Diane Earl NEN

17th century table and artefacts, showing taper holder (within pewter bowl, foreground) (Photo NEN)[xxvii]

Vessels both familiar and unfamiliar to us today were used in the kitchen for eating and drinking, with food served in a ‘saucer’ (shallow bowl), on a trencher (by this time a flat round or square plate), platter, a pottinger (or porringer, i.e. deeper bowl), and drink served in beakers, mugs and tankards. They were made from materials that are now rarely used sycamore or beech, or pewter, for plates and bowls; and horn, wood, sometimes leather, and pewter for beakers, mugs (handled drinking vessels), and tankards (lidded mugs).

Shelf pewter plates mugs Diane Earl NEN

17th – 18th century oak shelf with pewter plates and mugs (above), and wall-mounted food safe (below) (Photo NEN)[xxviii]

C17 style wall food safe Diane Earl NEN

The range of cooking utensils was expanding. Elaborate toasting apparatus, made from cast iron, were also sometimes used. With the acquisition of sugar colonies, sugar was increasingly consumed in Britain, giving rise to the need for sugar cutters (large wrought iron pincers), to cut sugar from the ‘loaf’. A mortar and pestle of stone, marble, iron, bronze, brass, or wood, was also usually used in the kitchen, as were brass ladles and nut roasters, and dairy equipment, such as milk skimmers. Cutlery was limited, with personal multi-purpose knives used to stab and cut food, and horn, wooden or pewter spoons (with deeper bowls later in the century) used to eat broths and cereals; simple (two-pronged) forks were only slow adopted, and did not appear in many houses until the 18th century.

C17 cutlery Jamestown

17th century kitchen utensils, with pothooks, bottom right (above), and cutlery (below), found during excavations of Jamestown, Virginia, US[xxix]

035

Other vessels and containers were made of wood and leather, such as leather water buckets, and wooden storage containers, for example for flour. The kitchen salt box was often a wooden lidded box stored next to the fireplace, to keep dry larger amounts of salt than that used when dining socially (see below: The Parlour). Wooden bowls were used for mixing ingredients, and wooden troughs used when kneading and proving dough; and wooden moulds used in making gingerbread.

17th C17 ceramic kitchen storage cooking vessels Jamestown

17th century ceramic kitchen storage and cooking vessels, from excavations of Jamestown, Virginia, US (made both in England and locally)[xxx]

These utilitarian objects were capable of withstanding long use, and the numerous accidents that occur when carrying out domestic chores; some cooking and storage vessels were made of less durable pottery. Being easier to clean, and not affecting the taste of contents, ceramics were the most suitable material for dairying (see below: The Pantry and Buttery). Other ceramic objects include the ‘curfew’: a large ceramic (in later years, metal) dish called a ‘curfew’ was placed over the fire at night, letting the embers smoulder thus both conserving fuel, and as a safety measure.[xxxi] Some cooking vessels were occasionally ceramic, such as the skillet and pipkin.

C17 ceramics Jamestown

Above: 17th century ceramics (including pipkin, bottom centre), from excavations of early settlement phases at Jamestown, Virginia, US[xxxii]

Below: wooden mixing (or blood / keeper) bowl and salting trough, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

Wooden bowl salting trough, Haddon

THE PANTRY AND BUTTERY

(An)other small room(s), to store food and drink (where space allowed subdivided into pantry and buttery), sometimes led off the kitchen (the pantry reached through the buttery, or vice versa). The pantry would be fitted with wall-mounted wooden storage shelves, and a brick or stone ‘thrall’ (plinth) on which items were placed to cool. The Buttery was used to store ale – which was made in many households. Pantries and butteries were often fitted with sinks in later years.

C17 dairy vessels,  Jamestown

17th century dairy vessels, from excavations of Jamestown, Virginia, US, with a pancheon, top centre[xxxiii]

Dairy products, many of which were made in the home, were usually stored within the pantry, within ceramic vessels (which remained cool, and were easy to clean). The ‘pancheon’ (a large deep bowl, with an interior glaze to overcome the porosity of the earthenware body, which continued in use until after WWI) was commonly used in 17th century dairies and kitchens. Locally made undecorated (with the exception of coloured glaze) earthenware jugs and bowls were also useful in making and storing dairy products. The wooden (or in larger houses, stone) salting trough – within which meat was preserved – was commonly stored in the pantry.

THE PARLOUR

On the other side of the entrance was a room that over the course of the 17th century becoming known as the ‘parlour’. The primary function of this room was as a space for private conversation, entertainment (particularly dining), and recreation (away from domestic servants), and in some situations as a bedchamber, though it was also put to other uses (such as storage) when necessary.

Fixtures and fittings

Modern firedogs and cup-irons, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

Modern firedogs and cup-irons, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

In the early 17th century, this room was fitted with a wide open stone and / or brick fireplace, containing wrought iron fire-dogs, ‘cup dogs’ (see above: The Kitchen), and cast iron back. However, this arrangement was frequently modified in later years to suit fashionable tastes (particularly the aspiration towards more ‘genteel’ surroundings), and for efficiency. The grate became increasingly enclosed over time, often culminating in the insertion of a cast iron hob-grate in the 18th century (the recess sometimes decorated with blue and white tin-glazed Delft tiles from Holland, or with English imitations, portraying Biblical stories, or decorated with other simple images), and in the 19th century a register grate. But changes began early in some houses – especially those within coal-rich areas – as coal was increasingly burnt as an alternative to wood. This required a dog grate (a fire-basket: essentially fire dogs with horizontal bars between) to hold the coals; the fender was later introduced to prevent the coals from falling from the hearth.

Modern fire-basket, Haddon

Modern fire-basket, and fragment of mid 17th century rush matting (below), Haddon Hall museum, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

C17 rush matting, Haddon

The room would have been lit by the fire, and (only when necessary) by rush tapers in wrought iron holders (see image of kitchen table, above, and as shown here), tallow (and on occasion if sufficiently well off, beeswax) candles in pewter, brass, or ceramic candlesticks, and later in the century, sconces. Oak wainscoting (wall panelling) was fitted in the early 17th century (as reproduced here), and pine panels, which would have been painted, in later decades (as reproduced here).

Candlesticks wick-trimmers Jamestown

17th century candlesticks and wrought iron wick-trimmers, from excavations of early settlement phases at Jamestown, Virginia, US[xxxiv]

Furnishings

17th century oak stool, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

17th century oak stool, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

In comparison to humbler dwellings (but more sparsely and less comfortably furnished than the living rooms of most houses today), this room would have been well furnished. Furniture was generally of oak, although mahogany became fashionable in the second half of the century in wealthy households (the expansion of trade to the New World providing access to this timber). The parlours of larger dwellings might house a substantial rectangular table in the early 17th century. However, the oval gate-leg tables of the later 17th century were more suitable for the smaller rooms of less affluent households, as the leafs could be folded when not in use.

Oak gate-leg table and bench, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

Oak gate-leg table and bench, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

The room may have contained chairs for adult family members (upholstered if sufficiently well off), and perhaps benches or stools. For those with the means, a court cupboard (display sideboard) and corner cupboard were used for display and storage.

C16-7 Upholstered chair Haddon

17th century (possible reproduction) chair and late 16th – 17th century gate-leg table (above), and court cupboard (below), Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

LC16-7 court cupboard Haddon

Wooden shutters may have enclosed the windows at night (although see above: kitchen), and a single panel of plain woollen fabric, hung from an iron rail, would have kept out drafts from the windows, although pairs of curtains, often decorated, became more popular in later years. Tapestries and painted cloths (perhaps in imitation of tapestries) were often displayed on the walls, and the wide oak floorboards were typically covered by rush matting (see above).

Tapestry, oak table, and chair, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours) – much grander than the furnishings of a yeoman cottage!

Tapestry, oak table, and chair, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours) – much grander than the furnishings of a yeoman cottage!

Objects and Ornaments

In the earlier 17th century, ornaments were few in comparison to later centuries; many were decorated functional items, predominantly used in social dining, which provided opportunities to exhibit expensive tableware. But with increased trade and manufacturing both provoking and responding to a rise in consumerism, a greater range of objects became available not only to the wealthier ‘middling’ sort, but also those of lesser means, such as the husbandman.

17th century English wine glasses Jamestown

17th century English wine glasses (above), and bottles (below), Jamestown, Virginia, US[xxxv]

17th century English wine bottles, Jamestown

Within affluent households, objects of silver, and imported ‘china’ (porcelain), could be displayed to demonstrate status and position – particularly if embellished with the heraldic device of the family. Glass vessels were not yet commonly used, but were increasingly found within such houses, as were glass bottles.

C17 farmhouse shelf Diane Earl NEN

Reproduction 17th century slip-decorated earthenware, pewter plat, and glasses, on oak display shelf (Photo NEN)[xxxvi]

Yeoman households used pewter (in imitation of silver), and when affordable, tin-glazed earthenware (cobalt blue decoration on a white – pale blue ground) imported from Holland (and subsequently made in England), Italy and France, some of which imitated finer, eastern, ceramics. Stoneware from Germany was also used (up until the middle of the century, brown salt-glazed Bellarmine ‘Bartmann’ or ‘beardman’ ware, shown here, and from the later 17th century, grey and cobalt blue Westerwald ware, shown here, both illustrated in the image beneath the photo below).

17th century English tin-glazed earthenware  Jamestown

17th century English tin-glazed earthenware (above), and German stoneware (below), found at Jamestown, Virginia, US[xxxvii]

17th century German stoneware  Jamestown

Decorated regional ceramics, such as slipped- or scraffito- decorated earthenware, were also often displayed, and used in serving food, and for ‘salts’, used at the table when dining socially. Cutlery developed and became more widely adopted during and after the 17th century (see above: The Kitchen), with simple dining forks, rounded knives, and deep-bowl spoons, slowly adopted outside the elite household, though in houses occupied by lower status families, of pewter rather than silver. Depending on income, paintings and prints may have adorned the walls.

17th century English scraffito-ware Jamestown

Above: 17th century English scraffito-ware, Jamestown, Virginia, US[xxxviii]

Below: 17th farmhouse century table laid with slip-decorated ceramics (Photo NEN)[xxxix]

C17 farmhouse table Diane Earl NEN

BED-CHAMBERS

17th century bedroom Diane Earl NEN

17th century bedroom, within relatively prosperous household (Photo NEN)[xl]

The relatively high roof and wide dimensions of the ground floor rooms of the 17th century yeoman cottage provided sufficient space for an upper floor that could contain bedrooms – an improvement on earlier, and contemporaneous poorer, dwellings (which had only a single ground floor room, with limited loft space above, entered by a ladder when used for sleeping; see above). Wooden stairs to the upper floor were typically placed beside the central chimneystack, and entered by a door beside the fireplace, by the interior rear wall of the kitchen; or in houses built with and entrance lobby, sometimes facing the front door.

The top of centrally placed stairs often led directly into the bedrooms, although a small landing lobby, with doors either side to each bedroom, which were entered by a plank door, were frequently later constructed. In houses with chimneys in each end wall, the stairs would lead into one bedroom, through which the second bedroom was reached. Where there were three rooms of the floor below, there might be a small third bedroom upstairs, again reached through other rooms.

Fixtures and fittings

The bedrooms, being within the eaves, had sloping, often un-plastered, ceilings, and were lit by dormer windows; thick, low, roof timbers might have to be carefully negotiated in the dark! It was not unusual for one bedroom to be more carefully finished in comparison to the other, and used by servants, lodgers, or children. Grates were not usually fitted at this time on the first floor, although upper rooms were lightly warmed by the heat of the chimney.

Furnishings

During the 17th century, beds with wooden frames (as opposed to a mattress placed on a pallet on the floor) were becoming more common for those who could afford this expensive piece of furniture. A typical form was the oak or walnut ‘four-poster’ or ‘tester’, which had several components. Below a mattress of feather and down (contained within ticking) was one of straw, which lay upon the bed-strings: a rope lattice (which had to be often tightened to limit sagging) strung between the rectangular horizontal frame closest to the floor, which was joined at each corner to the upright bedposts. A woollen canopy covered the horizontal rectangular frame closest to the ceiling, and curtains hung from rods attached to this frame to provide warmth, and some degree of privacy. Servants may also have slept within the room, on a truckle, foldout or pallet bed – families commonly slept within the same bed as a matter of course, the children laying either side of their parents). The bedroom would commonly contain an oak chest, used to store clothing, bedding, and private possessions; the room might also contain a stool and / or simple chair.

Late 17th century oak chest Diane Earl NEN

Late 17th century oak chest (Photo NEN)[xli]

Rush matting (see example above) may have been used to limit the drafts that came through the wide oak floorboards; wall hangings may have also kept out drafts (although any expensive tapestries are more likely to have adorned the parlour than the bedroom). During the early 17th century, curtains were likely to have been of plain wool, though more decorative fabrics may have subsequently been used. Bedclothes would have been simple in less wealthy households, with linen being increasingly used for sheets and counterpanes, alongside woollen covers.

Objects and Ornaments

Paintings of sentimental significance may have been hung in the bedrooms of those with sufficient means (although, as with tapestries, such expensive decorations may have been restricted to the parlour) and occasional prints might have decorated the walls. By the 17th century, the bedroom may have had a chamber pot, for use during the night, and during illness. In the less wealthy yeoman’s house might be made of earthenware (a regional sherd of which can be seen here; and complete pot here), although pewter examples are known (e.g. see here).

The second chamber on this floor may have had a variety of functions, depending upon the composition and needs of the household. Where a family member of similar status to that of the ‘bread-winner’ (e.g. a parent or sibling) occupied this room, it may have been furnished well, if not as well as the main bedroom. However, if occupied by domestic servants, apprentices, or farm workers, it would not have been furnished as well or as extensively as the other bedroom (i.e. may have contained only pallet or folding beds, and had no ornamentation), and may also have been used as a store- and / or work-room.

Keys Haddon

17th century iron door keys, Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (©Grand Tours)

The following posts will explore Upper Hall – a manor house built during the early 17th century in South Derbyshire – against which above the information might be compared, bringing the higher social status of the Hall into sharp relief.

Notes:

[i] In comparison to terms previously used to denote social status (e.g. see here for the 16th century) those used in the 17th century (such as within wills and inventories) are less easily defined. The changing nature of commerce, economy, and social organisation at this time may resulted in greater ambiguity surrounding the terms ‘yeoman’ and ‘husbandman’, as opportunities to accumulate capital beyond landownership expanded. For example, potters of the late 17th century might be defined as yeomen, it might be presumed due to their independent social position and accumulation of wealth through trade (e.g. see Lorna Weatherill 1971 The Pottery Trade and North Staffordshire, 1660-1760, p 148). However, in representing landownership (the ‘yeoman’ being of the higher status, as a freeholder), they appear to remain significant well into the 19th century.

[ii] A major element of coursework as an undergraduate student (many years ago now!) at the University of Nottingham was the production of a portfolio. With the benefit of specialists in vernacular architecture on the teaching staff, including Philip Dixon, the requirement of archaeological standing building surveys were informed by a superb series of lectures. I was fortunate enough at the time (1994) to have access to a mid-late 17th century cottage in Lincolnshire. Staying in the property for several days (with my 2-year-old son as surveyor’s assistant!), this proved a fabulous opportunity to study the building in detail over several days, unhindered by furniture or furnishings.

[iii] Photos (which are more quick snaps than technical images) taken during visits made over the past couple of years, to a number of churchyards in and around Derby, are available here; annotations will follow when time allows.

[iv] A large body of work is available on the growth of the ‘middling sort’; freely accessible resources include  ‘The Search For The ‘Middle Sort’ of People’ In England, 1600–1800‘, by H R French (2000); and in Google Books, sections of Margaret R. Hunt’s 1996 The Middling Sort: Commerce, Gender, and the Family in England, 1680-1780.

[v] See note i.

[vi] Images of material culture dating to or around the period covered by this post have been obtained from photos taken of artefacts recovered during excavations of a 17th century site in Virginia, North America, where many English objects were discovered in association with domestic contexts (from the 1957 excavation report, available via Project Gutenburg here. Further, more up-to-date, information on this site can be found hereherehere, and here (several articles and books are also available, some of which can be easily found through internet search engines).

Other images of in situ objects of a similar date were taken by the author at Haddon Hall, Derbyshire (a location full of fabulous late medieval – early post-medieval artefacts), which is certainly worth a visit if in the area: further information can be found on the Haddon Hall website.

The remaining images (except where otherwise noted) have been obtained from the National Education Network Gallery of educational photographic resources, and are the work of Diane Earl, who retains copyright ownership. Please contact this website if their use here is considered as inappropriate.

Unfortunately, there was a dearth of appropriate copyright free images available for bedroom interiors and material culture, though illustrations will be added as and when they may be encountered. Any pointers to more suitable images (i.e. copyright free, non-commercial, and contextually correct) would be welcomed.

[vii] The chronological brackets of this era vary according to geographical location, and often differ within as well as between the various fields of study concerned with historic buildings, remaining a matter for debate.

Archaeological studies in Britain tend to conflate the start of the Early Modern period with that of the post-medieval era (which again has varied definitions, beginning at various points in the late 15th – mid 16th centuries). The termination of the Early Modern era is usually seen as coinciding with the widespread effects of the ‘industrial revolution’, i.e., broadly the late 18th century. Here, the beginning of the post-medieval period, as defined by English Heritage and Historic Environment curators, i.e. AD 1540, will be adopted as a very general starting point for the Early Modern era.

However, it should be remembered that such dates are used merely for the purposes of organising research and source material, and do not reflect the disparity of cultural and social change in the past, which inevitably depend upon access to resources and knowledge, and are affected by economic and political circumstances.

[viii] For example, see Peter Jupp and Claire Gittings (eds.) 1999 Death in England: An Illustrated History.

[ix] For information on this building, see the Haddon Hall website.

[x] Private land around and associated with the house: usually comprising a yard, and often a garden, which became increasingly defined by walls and fences from that of neighbouring properties.

[xi] See note ii. The plans, drawings and photographs from the archaeological survey and interpretation of this building carried out in 1994-95, were unfortunately mislaid by the institution that used them in a display / as a teaching aid, and have yet to be found and recovered. More information on this property can be found on the HER here.

[xii] Top image obtained from the National Education Network: http://gallery.nen.gov.uk/asset60101_218-.html (accessed 3-10-14), ©Diane Earl. Bottom image from John L. Cotter & J. Paul Hudson 1957 (2005), New Discoveries at Jamestown. Site of the First Successful English Settlement in America (accessed 17.30, 2-10-14).

[xiii] Families headed by labourers would occupy less substantial dwellings than those of artisans, generally comprising a single room, sometimes with loft above, and might share such buildings with other families. The poorest families that had some form of roof over their head might reside within a roughly constructed, essentially temporary, building. Archaeological site reports often continue to place such dwellings – alongside the single room cottage with loft – within the somewhat broad and barely defined category of ‘hovel’. Unmarried servants and labourers of this period commonly lived within their employer’s house, or in temporary shelters at their place of work (e.g. shepherd’s bothies).

[xiv] This possibility requires verification; the information was obtained from personal communication with the owner at the time of the building survey (see notes i & v), and derives from associated property documentation.

[xv] Where the chimney had been fitted within a cross-passage, a small entrance lobby would be formed (however, lobbies were also often added later by constructing a diving wall between the front wall and fireplace).

[xvi] The kitchens of medieval halls were located within an associated outbuilding, due to risk of fire and to avoid cooking smells; but due to limited space (and perhaps fewer servants) was situated within less high status dwellings.

[xvii] From NEN (see note vii): http://gallery.nen.gov.uk/asset60057_218-.html

[xviii] Cotter & Hudson, op cit..

[xix] Ibid.

[xx] NEN (op cit.): http://gallery.nen.gov.uk/asset90309_2922-e2bn.html

[xxi] For information on turnspit dogs see, e.g. herehere, and here; the remains of reputedly the last turn-spit dog (the 19th century ‘Whiskey’) was preserved by taxidermy, and is on display at Abegavenny Museum

[xxii] Image accessed 13.30, 6-10-14: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/6d/Turnspit_Dog_Working.jpg

[xxiii] There are various reasons for this change (the confines of time and space precluding discussion here – though this topic will likely be considered in future posts). One significant factor was change in credit regulations that enabled those on lower incomes to take advantage of ‘HP’ for more expensive domestic goods such as a gas or electric cooker, which could replace the dirty and inefficient kitchen range. The small ‘portable’ cooker would fit into the scullery, transforming this room into a kitchen-scullery, and the kitchen into a dining room. Sculleries were often used in conjunction with the washhouse, but where no additional washhouse was provided, many terrace houses had a second sink within the cellar (basement); where neither cellar sink nor washhouse was possible, sculleries were often referred to as scullery-washhouses.

[xxiv] NEN (op cit.): http://gallery.nen.gov.uk/asset90312_2922-e2bn.html

[xxv] Cotter & Hudson, op cit..

[xxvi] NEN (op cit.): http://gallery.nen.gov.uk/imagelarge60060-.htmlhttp://gallery.nen.gov.uk/imagelarge60063-.html

[xxvii] Ibid.: http://gallery.nen.gov.uk/asset60069_218-.htmlhttp://gallery.nen.gov.uk/asset60065_218-.html

[xxviii] Ibid.: http://gallery.nen.gov.uk/asset60068_218-.htmlhttp://gallery.nen.gov.uk/asset60079_218-.html

[xxix] Cotter & Hudson, op cit..

[xxx] Ibid.

[xxxi] I must thank the owner of the South Derbyshire house for reminding me of this object, which I had forgotten since being taught about such artefacts in the early 1990s (although my experience of ceramics ‘curfews’ was of those dating to the medieval period).

[xxxii] Cotter & Hudson, op cit..

[xxxiii] Ibid.

[xxxiv] Ibid.

[xxxv] Ibid.

[xxxvi] NEN (op cit.): http://gallery.nen.gov.uk/asset90323_2922-e2bn.html

[xxxvii] Cotter & Hudson, op cit..

[xxxviii] Ibid.

[xxxix] NEN (op cit.): http://gallery.nen.gov.uk/imagelarge60066.htmlhttp://gallery.nen.gov.uk/asset90314_2922-e2bn.html

[xl] Ibid.: http://gallery.nen.gov.uk/asset57988_73-.html

[xli] Ibid.: http://gallery.nen.gov.uk/asset60120_218-.html

Household Tales: Home Life in a 17th Century Derbyshire Manor House

Home Life in the 17th century posts: Introduction

Where, When and Why

This introductory post is the first in a series that discusses home life during the 17th century, through standing buildings and contemporaneous domestic material culture (some of which archaeological excavations have uncovered, and some of which survive in situ in houses that are still standing), considering a range of written evidence alongside material sources. This series was inspired by a recent visit to an early 17th century private home (‘Upper Hall’), built in the Swadlincote area during the 1620s to house a prosperous farming family.[i]

The unusual level of preservation of Upper Hall, with many surviving historic features (most likely due to the presence of tenants limiting 20th century modernisations), makes this building a particularly interesting topic for investigation. Furthermore, the current owners are clearly sympathetic to the historical significance of the building, and have sourced fixtures, fittings, and furnishings compatible with the period of construction, and with modifications made in the 18th and 19th centuries. Though a comfortable living home today, this attention to detail brings alive the history of the dwelling, capturing aspects of the domestic material world for the well-to-do householder in the Early Modern period.[ii]

The primary aim of writing this series is to disseminate information on this property. Through viewing the interior, much might be learnt about domestic life; the residents not only went to the trouble of taking us around their home and pointing out (and explaining) historic features, but also of showing us the artefacts that they had found in the garden, sharing a wealth of knowledge during our visit. They have very kindly granted for LIPCAP consent to display photographs taken during the visit on our website.

This visit (and the writing of these posts) provided a useful opportunity to revise knowledge of early modern domestic contexts,[iii] which when considered alongside other bodies of evidence – such as burials and mortuary memorials of this period – potentially enables a more rounded consideration of life in the early modern past.[iv]

What and How

As research into the property developed, the wealth of readily available relevant sources soon became apparent: family histories, Hearth Tax returns,[v] and records relating to several chancery cases, suggested the possibility of going beyond basic analyses and historical contextualisation of material evidence. The content of easily accessible written evidence opened up the possibility of attempting a form of detailed interpretation that, though less frequently adopted within British archaeology than by archaeologists in North America and Australia, holds the potential to provide a perspective on the past in a format that might be more meaningful than is usual.

Posts describing the property will adopt an ‘archaeological story-telling’ approach – an unconventional, but well-established, genre that brings the material culture of the past back to life through imaginative rendering of historical contexts.[vi] The resultant ‘tales’ differ from historical fiction in both method and intent, presenting detailed, accurate archaeological and written evidence (usually incorporating primary research) within a fictitious narrative. This process aims to interpret sources in a way that might capture the historical imagination of a wider audience than are usually attracted to academic texts (though an academic audience is not excluded). Though set in the mid 17th century, the stories will at times jump forward to later periods, in order to consider features of historic interest that date to after this time.

This particular endeavour represents only the early stages of research: time and financial constraints, restricted mobility, and limited access to resources, have not permitted examination of previous archaeological reports, which the author hopes to achieve in the future. After further research (and taking into consideration any feedback that readers might provide), this series of posts will most likely be modified, and may be developed within a collection of similar articles addressing a range of historical domestic contexts (hopefully including sites of particular interest encountered through LIPCAP fieldwork). For the time being, these narratives incorporate preliminary evidence, as seen during the visit to the property; information provided by the occupants; data within the Historic Environment Records;[vii] information from reports outlining archaeological investigations carried out within the immediate vicinity of the building;[viii] and that derived from independent investigations into family, local, regional, and wider histories.[ix]

Posts will use the photographs of interior historic features taken during our tour of the house,[x] with interpretations drawing upon what remains of the early fabric of this building, and the material culture used within comparable housing (i.e. dwellings in this area, and elsewhere of similar and lower status). This approach enables the consideration of everyday domestic life and environment during the early phases of occupation within this dwelling, although in a less detailed way than might be achieved by a more detailed archaeological standing building investigation. Although it considers buildings and other material from outside the East Midlands (including artefacts manufactured in Britain but discovered through excavations in former British colonies), the series concentrates upon Derbyshire – in particular, the southern districts of the county. Being rich in early modern buildings, and incorporating LIPCAP study areas, this area is of special interest to the Living in the Past Community Archaeology Project.

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For those who might wish to know a little more about housing and household material culture in the 17th century, a supplementary post ‘Living in the Early Modern Past: the 17th Century Home’ considers the typical artisan house, outlining domestic life for the family of the less wealthy ‘yeoman’.[xi] This may be used as a comparison for the more affluent home we are about to visit, highlighting the high status of those who lived within Upper Hall, and the relative splendour of their home environment. This supplement also considers the influence of late medieval halls upon the dwellings of yeomen, and the development of different social categories, in the 17th century. Where descriptions of the interiors, objects, culture, and society within the narrative posts do not go into detail, readers may refer to the supplementary and other posts for further information.

Though what follows represents only preliminary work (as it has not yet been possible for the author to obtain copies of previous publications), it lays out the initial stages of multi-disciplinary historical research that holds potential to go beyond descriptions of domestic material culture and environment, and the practicalities of home life, in the early modern period. Feedback from readers on the ‘story-telling’ method (or other issues) will be welcome, so that the process might be refined, although it may not be possible to respond individually to comments.

The next section of this post will provide an outline of the series, should readers have an interest in any particular aspect of the topic.

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An Expedition into the Past: The Upper Hall Series

Following on from this post, ‘Living in the Early Modern Past: the 17th Century Home’, considers housing for those categorised at the time as ‘yeoman’ – the social group to which the person who built Upper Hall attested as belonging.[xii] During and after the 17th century, the ‘middling sort’ essentially developed from this group:[xiii] artisans, trades-people, and small holders, with means beyond those of the poor husbandmen, but not as high status (nor often as wealthy) as the landed gentry.[xiv] This expanding group both benefited financially and enhanced their own comfort (and increasingly social position), through recent and continuing growth in trade and commerce – concomitant consumerism, providing a broader range of household material culture, with more opportunities to emulate that of wealthier and higher status homes.

This post acts as a counterpoint to those describing the Hall, and illustrates and discusses domestic material culture found in less substantial homes, through to more high status households.

From Yeoman to Gentleman: ‘Peopling’ a 17th Century South Derbyshire Manor House

The third post examines family and social relationships within and beyond the village, considering inheritance, including (through numerous chancery court records) disputes over land ownership, and perhaps possession of the Hall. Although the latter concerns ostensibly tedious and complex legal disputes, by studying this material alongside archaeological evidence and other historical sources, we may ultimately learn much about everyday life and death in the past. Such information holds the potential to elucidate the mutability of family ties and social bonds at this time: family and community cooperation and conflict emerge from this body of evidence. It is therefore a useful source with regard to attitudes towards group identities and individuality, the acquisition and transference of ‘goods’ (and perhaps the growing power of consumerism), and processes by which social status is constructed and transformed during this transitional period.

The Taxman Cometh: Exploring a 17th Century South Derbyshire Home

The fourth Upper Hall post begins the archaeological story-telling posts, using documentary sources to contextualise the material evidence encountered at Upper Hall. We follow the petty constable Samuel Beighton as he approaches the manor house in 1662 in order to carry out checks for the first Hearth Tax.[xv] His journey provides opportunities not only to consider the appearance of house, but also the social and cultural environment of the day.

In this first story, Samuel travels from the nearby church and along the main road of the village, encountering traffic en route to market. When he arrives at the property Samuel knocks at the front door and looks at the outside of the building, reflecting upon the status of the resident family – the Benskins, and comparing this grand house to neighbouring buildings.

In at the Ground Floor: exploring a 17th Century Home in South Derbyshire

In this second archaeological narrative, we follow Samuel around the ground floor and cellars of Upper Hall, during his visit to determine whether the Master of the house, John Benskin, has been honest in his tax return. This provides constable Beighton with an opportunity to see how those with good fortune live: he sees servants about their daily tasks, and gazes upon the decor and fine things that fill the manor house, as he is shown each room. But with dusk approaching, Samuel must leave to return another day…

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As Christmas draws near, and time must be applied to other LIPCAP tasks (including a second 1930s House Xmas Open Day – see what happened last year here), there will be a break in Upper Hall series. If sufficient interest has been shown in the above posts, and if other commitments permit, the series will continue in the New Year with:

Onwards and Upwards: exploring a 17th Century Home in South Derbyshire

Out back: exploring a 17th Century Home in South Derbyshire

The third story (‘Onwards and Upwards’) will follow Samuel Beighton when he returns to Upper Hall in order to investigate the bedrooms of the first floor, and attic rooms, in order to search out hearths that Master Benskin might be trying to conceal so to avoid paying the twice-yearly tax on these features.

The final archaeological story (‘Out back’) examines the back of the house and outbuildings, in search of further hearths. As in the other stories, we travel forward in time to explore later buildings, such as the washhouse and privy.

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We hope that you enjoy these posts – please let us know if you do, or if you have any thoughts on how they might be improved.

 In the mean time, sign up for the blog email list, to receive notifications of new articles – including extracts from a Victorian book on folklore in Derbyshire, which shall this time look at Christmas customs, beliefs, and rituals.

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Notes

[i] In order to retain the privacy of the modern occupants, the full address is withheld. Should this information be sought for genuine research purposes, please contact the project (using the website form), so that the author might pass on enquiries to the residents (who are, however, under no obligation to release this information).

[ii] There are various definitions for the term ‘Early Modern’ within and between the different fields of study concerned with historic buildings and domestic material culture. Archaeological studies in Britain tend to see the Early Modern period as beginning at the start of the post-medieval era (which itself is accorded different points in the late 15th – mid 16th centuries). The termination of the Early Modern era is usually seen as coinciding with the widespread effects of the ‘Industrial Revolution‘, i.e., broadly the late 18th century. Here, the beginning of the post-medieval period, as defined by English Heritage and Historic Environment curators, i.e. AD 1540, will be adopted as a very general starting point for the Early Modern era. However, it must be made clear that this historical period, as with others, has been defined by historians for analytical purposes, and does not necessarily reflect the way that people at the time saw themselves as situated within an era of specific cultural change or continuity.

[iii] During undergraduate studies (long, long ago…) the author was given the opportunity to conduct a standing building investigation of a 17th century cottage in Lincolnshire, which both provided grounding in detailed archaeological building surveys, and sparked an interest in early modern vernacular housing (for more background information, see note iii, ‘Living in the Early Modern Past: the 17th Century Home’)

[iv] Photos taken by the author of memorials within several churchyards in and around Derby are accessible here.

[v] For more information on the Hearth Tax, see Hearth Tax Online – the website of the Centre for Hearth Tax Studies at the University of Roehampton. For hearth tax records, see the National Archives online catalogue.

[vi] The ‘story-telling’ approach is applied and considered within a range of works (e.g. Gibb, James G. 2000 ‘Imaginary, But by No Means Unimaginable: Storytelling, Science, and Historical Archaeology’, Historical Archaeology 34(2), pp.1-6; Beaudry, Mary C. 2005 ‘Stories That Matter: Material Lives in 19th Century Lowell and Boston, Massachusetts’, Post-Medieval Archaeology, Monograph 3, pp.1-20). This method presents the facts uncovered through the study of historical material remains within a narrative framework intended to convey the social and cultural environment to the modern reader; the author has found such an approach most effective when teaching archaeology in adult education, and to the general public.

[vii] HER online databases are available here. In order to retain privacy, this information is not cited in detail here, due to its inclusion of the address.

[viii]watching brief consists of the observation by archaeologists of construction work within historically sensitive areas, to see what historical information might be revealed through excavations, and as a precaution against damage to any hitherto unknown buried remains.

Various archaeological reports are freely available on the ‘grey literature’ (unpublished reports) section of the  Archaeological Data Service (ADS) website, here. In order to retain the privacy of the current occupants, this information is not cited in detail here, due to its inclusion of the address.

[ix] Sources includes parish records and other material associated with the nearby parish church; brief investigation of local industries, particularly ceramics; contemporaneous taxation reports; family history information obtained from public sources, and extended through independent research, e.g. using parish and ecclesiastical records, and documents such as wills, apprenticeship records, and chancery court records, obtained from the National Archives, and other sources. Several unpublished archaeological reports have been completed on the property: should the opportunity subsequently arise to access these documents, this post may be updated with additional information, or a new update post published.

[x] The images of Upper Hall that illustrate the narrative of this series were taken during an open day in Autumn 2014, preventing use of tripod, scale and technical photographic techniques, and precluding the production of a representative archaeological record (in order to avoid obstructing other visitors and residents, and with limited time). Photographs are displayed on this website with the kind permission of the residents of this property; in attempting to avoid the exhibition of personal belongings, some areas, or sections of rooms, were not photographed. All images of the building and associated artefacts are ©LIPCAP, and may not be reproduced without the express permission of the LIP project and property owners.

[xi] Those categorised, and self-identifying, as ‘yeoman’ belonged to a broad social group that ranged from the tenant farmer of modest means, to the better-off, land-owning, farmer. However, in comparison to terms previously used to denote social status (e.g. see here for the 16th century) those used in the 17th century (such as within wills and inventories) are less easily defined. The changing nature of commerce, economy, and social organisation at this time may have resulted in greater ambiguity surrounding the terms ‘yeoman’ and ‘husbandman’, as opportunities to accumulate capital beyond landownership expanded. For example, potters of the late 17th century might be defined as yeomen, presumably due to their independent social position and accumulation of wealth through trade (e.g. see Lorna Weatherill 1971 The Pottery Trade and North Staffordshire, 1660-1760, p 148). However, in representing landownership (the ‘yeoman’ being of the higher status, as a freeholder), the term yeoman appear to remain significant well into the 19th century.

[xii] See note xi.

[xiii] Freely accessible research on the development of the ‘middling sort’ includes ‘The Search For The ‘Middle Sort’ of People’ In England, 1600–1800‘, by H R French (2000); and

in Google Books, sections of Margaret R. Hunt’s 1996 The Middling Sort: Commerce, Gender, and the Family in England, 1680-1780.

[xiv] Husbandmen were typically small-scale tenant farmers, and farm hands, i.e. of lower status, and less well off, than the yeoman. The ‘gentry’ – ‘gentlemen’ – often owned large areas of land, and / or held professional positions (e.g. lawyers, doctors, and some clergy).

[xv] For information on the petty constable, see E. Trotter (ed.) 1980 Seventeenth Century Life in the Country Parish, p. 83 ff..

LIPCAP Derby in WWI exhibition: like to share family history?


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At Home WWI online logo

For the Festival of Archaeology (July 2014), and as a member of the IWM Centenary Partnership Programme, LIPCAP will be holding an exhibition on Derby in WWI, with activities for visitors (more information on this event can be found here). This event focuses upon the Home Front, considering  the experiences of people living and working in Derby during the hostilities.

We are especially interested in domestic life for children; for the men and women who remained at home (whether due to job, age, or health / disability exemptions; family caring duties; or conscientious objectors); and for those serving in the forces or as volunteers, when on leave or recovering from wounds

As a principally archaeological project, we are especially interested in related material culture associated with the home at around the time of the First World War, including objects that were displayed in the home (such as photographs, service medals and trench art with Derby connections).

As a community project piloting new ways to involve members of the public in local history, we would like to invite those with relevant information to share family memories and other historic material relating to Derby in WWI, for inclusion in this event, and / or in the associated online exhibitions.

For those who may wish to remember family members who lived or worked in Derby during WWI, or who were from Derby and served in the forces or voluntary services abroad during the conflict,  we are planning a remembrance display. The remembrance panel will contain short comments, and / or basic family history information, which may be submitted on forms (online, using the short Remembrance Card / ‘rapid response’ form here, or more detailed copyright-specifications form here; or offline forms may be downloaded below). 

We may not be able to include all material submitted in our event display, but we will also exhibit historical material on this project website, and through our other media channels (HistorypinGoogle MapsFlickrYouTubeFacebook, and Twitter), where permitted

We would therefore welcome the submission of information on, or photographs of, relevant objects (i.e. those know to have been used and / or owned in Derby in the 1910s), as might survive in the community as heirlooms. We would also like to display other publicly submitted material associated with Derby people and related places in WWI. This might include family history information (as discovered through personal research – such as information on munitions work, and service records, etc.); stories (as passed on to surviving relatives); testimonies and memories (as might survive in diaries, memoirs, postcards, or audio recordings, for example); and photos. 

We cannot guarantee to display everything that is submitted (particularly as we may receive duplicates of some material) – to some extent material will be displayed on a first-come-first-included basis – but will try to include as much as possible via the range of resources we use.

We request that contributors fill in and submit an accompanying form that provides information about the material they share, and permits LIPCAP to reproduce material in the public domain. This may be completed and sent online; or it may be printed (by selecting the ‘Print’ option in your web browser here), or downloaded by clicking the following link, and submitted by post (address below):

PDF version: PDF_At_Home_WWI_Exhibit_Contribution_Form

Open Office version: OOT_At_Home_WWI_Exhibit_Contribution_Form

(MS Word version to follow ASAP)

Digital copies of photos, videos, and documents may be submitted electronically in a variety of ways:

If you would like instructions on how to submit digital files, please use the contact form at the bottom of this blog post. Contributors might also submit material by post, e.g. paper copies or on CD / DVD, to:

LIPCAP (At Home in WWI) 1 West Park Road Derby DE22 1GG

LIPCAP team members might in some circumstances (e.g. if the contributor is elderly or has disabilities, or caring duties) be able to collect material from contributors in the Derby area: please use the contact form below to inquire, if applicable.

If you are an organisation, and would be happy to display a poster inviting members of the community to contribute exhibits, a pdf version is available for download:

A5 Poster WWI Family History Call

Another way to take part is to fill in a card for the community memory panel: this provides an opportunity to remember family members, and acknowledge their experiences in and of the war, as they may have come to you through family history research, or through stories passed on to you by older relatives.

Memory cards can be completed online here; can be printed from this link, and submitted by post (address below); on downloaded and submitted by email (address above):

At Home in WWI_ Memory_Card_A5

We hope that members of the public will join us in this event: contributions may enable us to find out more about life on the Home Front, as well as providing opportunities to acknowledge the experiences and achievements of local people during this very difficult time.

If you have ideas about what we might include, or would like to help us develop this exhibition as a volunteer, please contact us as soon as possible.

No. 8: census returns and the families who lived here

The census records for No. 8 (Dec20 case study) and the street are still being processed, but here are a few preliminary snippets – for now, only regarding the families that occupied No. 8 (information on the families that occupied other houses in the street will be posted another time).

Although the 1891 record for the street records No. 1 as situated in the Parish of Little Chester, Derby, the other houses are recorded as falling within the Parish of St. Alkmund’s – a large area, containing many poorer houses, many of which were demolished during the 20th century.

1891: The Wildsmiths’

Name Relation Condition Sex Age Occupation / Disability
Wildsmith, Fred P. Head Married M 38
Eliza Wife Married F 36 Millwright
Joseph Son M 13 Scholar
Ernest Son M 12 Scholar
Phoebe Daughter F 11 Scholar
Fred Son M 7 Scholar
Albert Son M 4 Scholar
Sarah Daughter F 1

Work and leisure

Although no occupation is recorded for Mr. Wildsmith in the 1891 census, in the previous census he was recorded as a mechanic, and in the following census he is recorded as an engine fitter. It can be seen from the other census returns that, though built by Haslam for his workers (see an earlier post), not all occupants necessarily worked in his factory, it might be conjectured that the Wildsmith family gained the first tenancy due to Mr Wildsmith’s employment as a mechanic. It may not be possible to push the evidence so far (and more research into employment at this time is necessary), but it might be anticipated that Mr W was more likely out of work due to illness, rather than unemployment.

It appears that Mrs. Wildsmith was in 1891 working as a Millwright (probably in one of the many local industries – see the earlier post on the Historic Environment of No. 8) to support the family. Even in working class households at this time, this was not very common: with six children to look after, including a baby, she might supplement the income through some form of work from home; it might therefore be presumed that she was working through necessity, due to the absence of Mr. Wildsmith’s wage; it would be interesting to know something of the childcare arrangements.

Although not at first glance saying much about leisure, census returns can sometimes provide insights into daily life. From this census, we might anticipate that Mrs Wildsmith had very little time to spare. Regarding the children, it’s interesting to see from the census that both 13-year-old Joseph and 12-year-old Ernest are recorded as scholars (perhaps attending St Paul’s Primary school in nearby Mansfield Street, although more research is needed into this school). The Elementary Education Act of 1870 (Forster’s Education Act)and enhanced by the Elementary Education Act of 1880 (Mundella’s Act) – made education compulsory for children aged 5-10 (though there was some degree of flexibility if they were required to take part in certain types of work). Children between the age of 10 and 13 had to have attained a reasonable level of education if they were to work.

Street No. Age M/F Scholar Child’sWork Father’s Work Mother’s Work
Seale Street

1

12

F y   Servant waiter  

1

10

M y

2

13

F y   Signal-man Deceased

2

11

F y

3

13

M N Errand boy Railway Checker  

3

11

F Y

4

13

F U   Railway Goods Porter Part Deaf & Blind

5

12

F Y   Railway Porter  

5

10

F Y

8

13

M Y None Millwright

8

12

M Y

8

11

F Y

9

13

M N Gimper’s Assistant Iron Moulder  

9

11

F Y
St Paul’s Road

2

12

F Y   Engine Fitter  

2

11

M Y

4

14

F Y   Iron Turner  

4

11

M Y

5

11

M Y   Steam Engine Fitter  

7

11

M Y   Blacksmith  

8

13

F U   General Labourer  

8

11

M Y

11

12

F Y   Wheelwright  

11

10

M Y

17

11

M Y   Engine Fitter  

19

12

F Y   Boiler Maker  

19

11

F Y

20

12

M Y   Iron Moulder  

20

10

M Y

21

13

M Y   Iron Moulder  

21

11

M Y
Mansfield Street

7

11

F Y   Labourer Iron Works  

8

10

F Y   Cast Iron Dresser  

10

13

F U   Labourer Chemical Works  

13

11

M Y   Dressmaker  

17

10

M Y   Iron Dresser  

23

13

F N General Servant Domestic Joiner  

23

11

M Y

26

13

M Y   Certificated Teacher  

26

11

M Y

31

15

F Y     Licensed Victualler

31

13

F Y

32

12

M Y   Caretaker  

33

13

F U   Boiler Maker  

33

11

M Y

34

12

F Y   Circular Sawyer  

34

10

M Y

35

13

M Y   Blacksmith  

35

11

M Y

37

11

M Y   Iron Moulder  

39

12

G Y   Labourer Railway  

39

10

M Y

Education for over 10s in the street and neighbouring streets, 1891 (from census records)

On the evidence of No. 8 alone, it might be conjectured from this that Ernest remained in school as he had not having reached this level; however (unless both Joseph and Ernest had not reached the required standard), considering the continued presence of his older brother at school, this seems unlikely. It was not until 1899 that the school leaving age was raised to 13, and to 14, perhaps suggesting Mr. and Mrs. Wildsmith had hopes for their boys regarding future employment.[i] We can see from the subsequent census returns (see below: ‘Moving on’) that the family was upwardly mobile. However, by examining the census returns for other houses – of nearby St Paul’s Rd. (perhaps marginally higher status), and Mansfield Street (perhaps marginally lower status) – it can be seen that most 13 year olds within the immediate neighbourhood remained in school, though by the age of 14 were in employment. The exceptions include two 13-year-old boys within the same street (son’s of an Iron Moulder and a Railway Checker, respectively), and a girl of the same age in Mansfield Street, which were by this age in work. In addition, a 14 year old girl in St Paul’s Road (daughter of an Iron Turner), and a 15 year old girl in Mansfield Street (granddaughter of a pub landlady), were both still in education.

How did they all fit in? Sleeping arrangements

Sleeping arrangements are important with regard to a number of topics surrounding domestic life in the past, and will be discussed in greater detail in a subsequent post (with examples from written and oral sources), but a few aspects will be introduced now, to contextualise the census records in relation to No. 8. It was common practice for several girls, or several boys to share a bed; sometimes this would include mixed sleeping. Concerns over whether this was acceptable practice seem to become most prominent when children reached 14 years. But not every family was able to arrange separate bedrooms:  rooms were sometimes partitioned by curtains, blankets, sheets, or clothes; this arrangement might also be adopted to separate adult lodgers or boarders from the children (of occasionally adults) of the resident family. Sometimes even room partitions were not possible, and teenage girls and boys had no alternative but to share beds, which was often seen as ‘shameful’. Different ways of avoiding this were put into practice: often there would only be two beds in a house, so the father would sleep in one bed with the boys, and the mother with the girls; in tenement housing (where many families had only one or two rooms), sometimes children slept in utility spaces (e.g. the scullery).

In this case, perhaps Joseph, Ernest, Fred, and Albert slept in the front or (perhaps more likely considering the decor, which will be discussed in a subsequent post) back bedroom, with Pheobe in the annex bedroom, and Sarah in with her parents; however, it’s possible that the boys and girls may not have yet been separated at this point. The provision of the room above the scullery at No. 8 provided relatively spacious accommodation in comparison to many nearby houses.

Moving on…

Cock Clod Street, Lancs. – previous home of the Wildsmiths’

It seems that this family, at the time of the previous census, lived in Radcliff, Lancs. – in the unusually named ‘Cock Clod’ Street (though had previously lived in the Derby area, and as it can be seen were born in nearby Little Eaton). The following (1901) census suggests that the family were a little better off financially (and had perhaps risen in status), as by this time they had moved around the corner to a house facing the Green – from a ‘street’, to a slightly higher status ‘road’. It’s possible that the move to a larger house (with attic accommodation) may relate to a pressing need to provide more private sleeping space for the children as they became teenagers.

The next house of the Wildsmiths’ – more Haslam houses

However, the apparent limited privacy at No. 8 – as the annex room had to be accessed through the back bedroom – may more reflect modern notions of privacy, than those of the past. (Personal experience indicates that some at least saw this arrangement as satisfactory in the 1950s; but by the 1980s – and perhaps before – some felt less comfortable in having to approach the third room – whether still a bedroom, or by now a bathroom – through the back bedroom. In some cases, this led the installation of permanent partitions. It might be speculated that the partition in the neighbouring house, No. 9, was fitted at some point during or after the 1960s. Although making the back bedroom much smaller – which was less important for the smaller families of the late 20th century family – this provided a corridor to reach the third room, which remained a bedroom at least into 2001). By 1911, it appears that the family were running a pub on Nottingham Road.

1901: the Eley family

The next census records a new family in No. 8:

Name Relation Condition Sex Age Occupation / Disability
Eley, Thomas Head Married M 35 Engine [Black-] Smiths Striker
Jane Wife Married F 33
Harry Son M 9
Selina Daughter F 8
Lily Daughter F 5
Jenny Daughter F 3
Rippin, William Step-son M 9

Work, leisure, and sleeping arrangements

Graffiti from the back yard

Again, it can be seen from the census that Mrs Eley had several children to care for (one of pre-school age), and it seems did not (at least regularly) work outside the home. The 1901 census neglects to mention which children were in education. It is interesting to note that the name of one child is ‘Jenny’. Although it is not possible to be certain, it might be questioned whether this girl is the graffiti artist responsible for the drawing of a house, in the back yard on the wall beside the window to the original kitchen. Beneath the drawing is the name ‘JE**Y’; however, the drawing and names may not be contemporaneous, and even if the name does read ‘Jenny’, this may not correlate with the child recorded within the census. The style of the house that’s been drawn is similar to the late 18th – 19th mill workers houses that fill the neighbouring areas. With regard to sleeping arrangements, it’s again possible that Harry and William slept apart (in the annex) from their sisters (perhaps in the back bedroom), but this isn’t certain.

Names beneath the graffiti

Moving on…

The family appear from the previous (1891) census to have moved from No. 5, 3 Court, Liversage Street, Derby (demolished during ‘slum clearances’ in the 1970s) – photos of the houses on this street prior to demolition can be seen here and here. At this time (1891) Thomas was married to a different woman (Lilly). It will be seen below that Lily is likely to be the mother of Harry and Selina. Birth, Marriage and Death records indicate that Thomas remarried to Mary Jane Rippen (or Rippin) in 1896; as daughter Lily was born in this year, she may be the daughter of either Lily or Mary Jane. However, the evidence given in the following and final census (1911) suggests that she was the daughter of Lily. It might be speculated that Thomas’ first wife died during the birth of this child (which perhaps accounts for her name, after her mother). Again considering the 1911 evidence (see below) – which provides years of marriage – it is probable that Mary Jane is the same person as the ‘Jane’ named as Thomas’ wife in the 1901 census. Her marriage to Thomas was also perhaps not her first, considering the presence of ‘step son’ William in No. 8.

1911

Name Relation Condition Sex Age Occupation / Disability
ELEY, Thomas Head Married M 45 Smith Striker(at Railway Loco. Dept.)
Maria Jane Wife Married F 43
RIPPIN, William Step-son Single M 19 Cotton Winder at Lace Manufacturer
Harry Son Single M 19 Fruiterer’s Salesman
Selina Daughter Single F 18 Cotton Winder (at Lace Works)
Lily Daughter F 14 Tent Maker Canvass (at Tent Works)
Jane Daughter F 3
Eva Daughter F 9
Mabel Daughter F 7
Doris Daughter F 1

The house is more crowded now, despite one daughter (Jenny) having left; her whereabouts of Jenny at this point in 1911 is unknown. (She does not appear within another census, and no certain records of her death have so far been found; investigation into this possibility, and into the possibility of her emigrations, will continue); she probably appears in the records again, marrying the boy next door – Arthur Braines, from No. 9 – in 1921, in Mansfield St. Methodist Chapel.) This census records that Mrs Eley had by 1911 given birth to 5 children (from this and the previous census, it can be seen were all girls: Jenny, Jane, Eva, Mabel, and Doris), all of which had survived. There is therefore a possibility that, for some time at least prior to the 1911 census No. 8 housed 11 people. This included the parents, two boys, and seven girls; considering the ages of the older children, the annex bedroom was perhaps very useful space (it might be supposed acting as the boys’ room, or less likely, the parents’ room) – with 5 or 6 girls sharing one bed.Work, leisure, and sleeping arrangements

Moving on…

Again, it is difficult to be certain whether the ‘Maria Jane’ is the same person as the ‘Jane’ of the 1901 census, and the ‘Mary Jane’ of the previous (1891) census. The 1911 census records more information than the previous records, and it is noted that she and Thomas had been married for 15 years duration, which (if they were not mistaken) would suggest they came together in 1896.

The value of the census

The census evidence clearly provides significant opportunities to further explore the ‘biography’ of No. 8, in conjunction with the range of historical evidence (archaeological data, other written sources, and social memories). By examining transformations in household composition at various points in time, and by tracing the changing situations of the families that lived in No.8, specific histories can be developed in relationship to general understandings of domestic life at this time.

Notes